In the text David Marr argues that 1945 is the most important year in the modern history of Vietnam. (Marr, pg. 1) It is thought throughout the history of Vietnam that the Communist party was the primary driving force for Independence. Marr attempts to dispute these hypotheses, not by devaluing the impact of the Communist in Vietnam, but by focusing on other outside contributors. Marr describes the year of 1945, and years prior as an “awaking” of the Vietnamese people. The political transformations of 1945 took place in all the provincial towns and most rural districts of Vietnam. (Marr, pg. 2)Marr does not undermine the importance of the Communist party in Vietnam. He does stress the importance of the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) and the Viet Minh. Although these organizations were essential to the movement, Marr argues that many Vietnamese did not even understand what the Viet Minh stood for. (Marr pg. 2) He contests that the Viet Minh did rally the people of Vietnam, but that these people were not brought together under a shared belief in Communism – and for that matter no individual group was really in control. (Marr pg.6) Marr saw the situation about people of diverse backgrounds and intentions contesting for hegemony. (Marr pg.6)
Applying his knowledge of Vietnam and numerous other accounts Marr describes the year of 1945 in great detail, including the years leading up to Independence. Marr begins by laying out the ground work in earlier years in how the Vietnamese people were treated by the French Imperialist. Marr begins the text at the point when the French are still technically in control of Vietnam, but it is evident that the Japanese are the ones who are really in control upon their arrival in 1941. (Marr pg.13) Japanese control of the region was out of necessity as a result of the American embargo set on Japan. (Marr pg. 26) Japan offered to remove its troops from southern Indochina in return for the United States rescinding the freeze on Japan, but the United States refused. (Marr pg.27) after the refusal of the freeze Japan began to exhaust Indochina of its resources creating contempt amongst its inhabitants. (Marr pg. 30)
Marr describes these actions by the Japanese and the years of abuse bestowed upon them by the French as the underlying factor for the resolve of the Vietnamese people. He argues that it was not this great Communist revolution that created Independence, but it was the people of Vietnam tired of being oppressed rising up and defeating two Imperial powers.Marr sees the ICP and the Viet Minh as the main contributors to organizing and providing a commonality for the people of Vietnam to fight under. He argues that in 1945 with the French weak and the Japanese losing their power, the Vietnamese people saw a power vacuum and an opportunity for Independence. Marr contests that it was the Communist party jumping at the right opportunity that gained them fame, not the party that caused the fall of the French and Japanese.
After the Vietnamese gain Independence Marr still points out the various factors that still stand in the way of a completely independent Vietnam. He describes how the Viet Minh and the Communist rise to power, but that there is still this unsettled anxiety amongst the people of Vietnam. It is not until many years later that Vietnam gains true independence and is united under one party.The debate that David Marr writes about in his book 1945 is that the Communist party in Vietnam did play a major rule in gaining Independence, but they were not the underlying factor. The argument that Marr brings forth is that no one was in control. (Marr pg.6) If one were to read about Vietnam history today that majority of text would attribute Vietnamese independence to the Communist party. This is however not the case. It was the people themselves of Vietnam that rose up to defeat the Imperialist forces.The people of Vietnam did not understand what the Viet Minh stood for, they were inundated with political slogans, flags, salutes, and even stamps to try to promote the Viet Minh. (Marr pg. 2) The people of Vietnam did not see this as an opportunity to join the Communist party; they saw it as a chance to kick some Imperialist ass.
After the Japanese seized power on March 9, 1945 the French nationals became subjected to increasing amount of physical and verbal abuse from the Vietnamese. (Marr pg. 65) The Vietnamese people at first did not know what to expect from the Japanese, perhaps as liberators or continuing the Imperialistic domination. (Marr pg. 90)
During the Japanese take-over the underground Communist Party in Hanoi was aware of the events, but did not act. (Marr pg. 152) This was the point when the Communist party started to see opportunities in some former prisoners under French rule being freed and possible recruits for their cause. The greatest event in the Viet Minh early days was the return of Ho Chi Minh. (Marr pg. 164) Ho began propaganda campaigns to recruit individuals into the party. His propaganda supports Marr’s dispute in that Ho, made sure propaganda made no mention of Socialism or the Communist Party. (Marr pg. 173.) The argument that Marr is trying to convey is that it was not the fact that the Viet Minh and the ICP were Communist that brought them to power, it was that they were the most organized, supported and successful group at the time of revolution. Marr would dispute that if any other organization be it democratic, utilitarian, or communist the people of Vietnam would have joined it in a common resolve to end the Imperialist oppression and free their land. Marr even points out in the text how the Viet Minh themselves where not all communist. Hundreds of thousands of people in the VML (Viet Minh League), which was “more than communist,” allegedly incorporating nationalists, high mandarins, and native soldiers in the colonial army. (Marr pg. 228)
Friday, June 13, 2008
1945: Subtext
Subtext
Ministry of National Defense Institute of Military History. Trinh Vuong Hong 2006. Ho Chi Minh: Thought on the Military. The Gioi Publishers. Hanoi.
This novel describes the military and political development of Ho Chi Minh. His studies in France, the Soviet Union, and China influenced his ideas and fostered the man that helps define a nation. Ho took ideas and customs from all these countries to build a new nation in Vietnam. Ho focused militarily on the people. He believed that if a people were organized and had the desire to gain independence they could succeed over any oppressor. Ho also realized that the people were the only means to gain independence in Vietnam. For any individual wanting to follow the military and political growth of Ho Chi Minh would find this novel intriguing and inspirational.
Borton, Lady. 2007. Ho Chi Minh: A Journey. The Gioi Publishers. Hanoi.
Ho Chi Minh led a fascinating life. From his birth to all the nations that he traveled to Ho was a worldly and scholarly man. Many people, especially in the West, view Ho Chi Minh as a tunnel digging little Vietnamese Communist. This is far from the truth; Ho spoke many languages, studied various religions, and understood various cultures. Many Americans would be amazed to read this book and find that Ho worked at a hotel in the United States and admired America. The captivating aspect of this text is the pictures. There are photographs of Ho with various famous individuals, poems, and his personal writings. Not a large text in itself, the book wonderfully lays out a chronological depiction of Ho Chi Minh’s life.
Barholomew-Feis, Dixee R. 2006. The OSS and Ho Chi Minh: Unexpected Allies in the War against Japan. University Press of Kansas. Kansas, MO
For the regular American it would be a surprise to realize how much the United States aided the Communist Vietnamese and Ho Chi Minh during World War II. If one would read this novel and see how much Ho admired America and the United States intelligence agencies the relationship with the two countries could have been different during the cold war. The United States intelligence agency the OSS, which is the precursor to the CIA, helped the Vietnamese with strategy and military intelligence that helped to aid the Vietnamese in their struggle for independence.
Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. 2002. Cloak and Dollar: A History of American Secret Intelligence. Yale University. New Haven and London.
The history of the American intelligence agencies is a web of underhandedness, lies, brilliant individuals, short-sidedness, and an unthinkable amount of money. The American government has financed military and political dissention on every continent in the world. The truth about many of these operations will never really be known. There has been success in the history of the intelligence agencies. But, the mistakes cost thousands of lives and in the case of Vietnam, Iran, and many other countries led to war and the backing of tyrannical individuals.
The Vietnamese August Revolution Reinterpreted. Huynh Kim Khanh. The Journal of Asian Studies. Vol. 30, No. 4 (August 1971). pp. 761-782. Association of Asian Studies.
Many scholars agree that August 1945 is the most important month in Vietnam’s history. The events that took place that month shaped the country into what it is today. The acts of the Communist party during this revolution were the key actor in Vietnam’s struggle for independence. This text argue that the Communist were the reason that Vietnam was victorious over the colonial oppressors.
Ministry of National Defense Institute of Military History. Trinh Vuong Hong 2006. Ho Chi Minh: Thought on the Military. The Gioi Publishers. Hanoi.
This novel describes the military and political development of Ho Chi Minh. His studies in France, the Soviet Union, and China influenced his ideas and fostered the man that helps define a nation. Ho took ideas and customs from all these countries to build a new nation in Vietnam. Ho focused militarily on the people. He believed that if a people were organized and had the desire to gain independence they could succeed over any oppressor. Ho also realized that the people were the only means to gain independence in Vietnam. For any individual wanting to follow the military and political growth of Ho Chi Minh would find this novel intriguing and inspirational.
Borton, Lady. 2007. Ho Chi Minh: A Journey. The Gioi Publishers. Hanoi.
Ho Chi Minh led a fascinating life. From his birth to all the nations that he traveled to Ho was a worldly and scholarly man. Many people, especially in the West, view Ho Chi Minh as a tunnel digging little Vietnamese Communist. This is far from the truth; Ho spoke many languages, studied various religions, and understood various cultures. Many Americans would be amazed to read this book and find that Ho worked at a hotel in the United States and admired America. The captivating aspect of this text is the pictures. There are photographs of Ho with various famous individuals, poems, and his personal writings. Not a large text in itself, the book wonderfully lays out a chronological depiction of Ho Chi Minh’s life.
Barholomew-Feis, Dixee R. 2006. The OSS and Ho Chi Minh: Unexpected Allies in the War against Japan. University Press of Kansas. Kansas, MO
For the regular American it would be a surprise to realize how much the United States aided the Communist Vietnamese and Ho Chi Minh during World War II. If one would read this novel and see how much Ho admired America and the United States intelligence agencies the relationship with the two countries could have been different during the cold war. The United States intelligence agency the OSS, which is the precursor to the CIA, helped the Vietnamese with strategy and military intelligence that helped to aid the Vietnamese in their struggle for independence.
Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. 2002. Cloak and Dollar: A History of American Secret Intelligence. Yale University. New Haven and London.
The history of the American intelligence agencies is a web of underhandedness, lies, brilliant individuals, short-sidedness, and an unthinkable amount of money. The American government has financed military and political dissention on every continent in the world. The truth about many of these operations will never really be known. There has been success in the history of the intelligence agencies. But, the mistakes cost thousands of lives and in the case of Vietnam, Iran, and many other countries led to war and the backing of tyrannical individuals.
The Vietnamese August Revolution Reinterpreted. Huynh Kim Khanh. The Journal of Asian Studies. Vol. 30, No. 4 (August 1971). pp. 761-782. Association of Asian Studies.
Many scholars agree that August 1945 is the most important month in Vietnam’s history. The events that took place that month shaped the country into what it is today. The acts of the Communist party during this revolution were the key actor in Vietnam’s struggle for independence. This text argue that the Communist were the reason that Vietnam was victorious over the colonial oppressors.
1945: Context
Context
David Marr disputes the popular notion that Communism was the reason Vietnam gained independence. The Communist party was the primary actor in Vietnam’s struggle for independence. There are many novels, movies, and other text to back this argument. Marr however, provides ample evidence that it was not just the Communist party. He argues that it was a Nationalist movement just as much as a Communist Revolution. The Vietnamese people were first ruled by an oppressive French imperialist regime and then a similar repressor in the Japanese in March of 1945. (Marr 1995, pg. 1) The people of Vietnam endured many hardships under theses tyrannical regimes and were looking to gain independence by any means. The Communist party just happened to be at the right place at the right time.
The vital role of the Communist party in the August 1945 Revolution and Vietnam’s independence is widely known. The main catalyst in the Communist party was Ho Chi Minh. Ho believed that for Vietnam to gain independence it would take all the Vietnamese people. Ho believed in the people and their invincible power to overcome the colonial oppressors. (Trinh 2006, pg. 147) The line between Communism and Nationalism is skewed during this period. Ho and his compatriots believed in Vietnam gaining independence by any means. He is even quoted as saying, “I am a Communist, but the point in which I am concentrating now is independence and freedom for the country of Vietnam, not Communism. I have one special revelation to share with you: Communism will not be realized in Vietnam during the next fifty years.” (Borton 2007, pg. 83) Ho himself saw that Communism was not what the Vietnamese people were fighting for, they were fighting for freedom.
One could argue that the 1945 revolution was a Nationalist revolution and not Communist. The people of Vietnam no longer wanted to be under the rule of their colonial oppressors and wanted a nation of their own. In his own thoughts on the struggle to gain independence Ho said, “To sacrifice our lives, interests, and ideas to create a national revolution.” (Borton 2007, pg. 47) This quote underlines a national revolution, not a Communist revolution.
Ho Chi Minh and the Communist were also willing to collaborate with anyone who would help them in their struggle. An important provider of intelligence and other support for Ho and the Communist was the United States and the OSS, the predecessor for the CIA. Marr would argue that this is proof that it was not primarily a Communist revolution in that they were willing to ally with any type of government as long as it aided them in gaining independence. To back up this argument after Vietnam gained independence Ho created the Vietnamese Declaration of Independence after the American model, not a Communist manifesto. (Jeffreys-Jones 2002, pg. 195-196)
David Marr disputes the popular notion that Communism was the reason Vietnam gained independence. The Communist party was the primary actor in Vietnam’s struggle for independence. There are many novels, movies, and other text to back this argument. Marr however, provides ample evidence that it was not just the Communist party. He argues that it was a Nationalist movement just as much as a Communist Revolution. The Vietnamese people were first ruled by an oppressive French imperialist regime and then a similar repressor in the Japanese in March of 1945. (Marr 1995, pg. 1) The people of Vietnam endured many hardships under theses tyrannical regimes and were looking to gain independence by any means. The Communist party just happened to be at the right place at the right time.
The vital role of the Communist party in the August 1945 Revolution and Vietnam’s independence is widely known. The main catalyst in the Communist party was Ho Chi Minh. Ho believed that for Vietnam to gain independence it would take all the Vietnamese people. Ho believed in the people and their invincible power to overcome the colonial oppressors. (Trinh 2006, pg. 147) The line between Communism and Nationalism is skewed during this period. Ho and his compatriots believed in Vietnam gaining independence by any means. He is even quoted as saying, “I am a Communist, but the point in which I am concentrating now is independence and freedom for the country of Vietnam, not Communism. I have one special revelation to share with you: Communism will not be realized in Vietnam during the next fifty years.” (Borton 2007, pg. 83) Ho himself saw that Communism was not what the Vietnamese people were fighting for, they were fighting for freedom.
One could argue that the 1945 revolution was a Nationalist revolution and not Communist. The people of Vietnam no longer wanted to be under the rule of their colonial oppressors and wanted a nation of their own. In his own thoughts on the struggle to gain independence Ho said, “To sacrifice our lives, interests, and ideas to create a national revolution.” (Borton 2007, pg. 47) This quote underlines a national revolution, not a Communist revolution.
Ho Chi Minh and the Communist were also willing to collaborate with anyone who would help them in their struggle. An important provider of intelligence and other support for Ho and the Communist was the United States and the OSS, the predecessor for the CIA. Marr would argue that this is proof that it was not primarily a Communist revolution in that they were willing to ally with any type of government as long as it aided them in gaining independence. To back up this argument after Vietnam gained independence Ho created the Vietnamese Declaration of Independence after the American model, not a Communist manifesto. (Jeffreys-Jones 2002, pg. 195-196)
Friday, May 16, 2008
Life in Colonial Vietnam: Subtext
Tran Tu Binh The Red Earth: A Vietnamese Memoir of life on a colonial Rubber Plantation.
This book by Tran Tu Binh about a boy that endures the colonial mistreatment on a rubber plantation significantly parallels the accounts that were encountered during the Colonial prison era. This memoir expresses the similarities of how his experiences as a worker on a French rubber plantation mimicked the lives of Vietnamese prisoners during this oppressing time of the Vietnamese people. Even though The Red Earth accounts were credited toward a rebelling Communist faction it appears that their are more Communistic ties within The Colonial Bastille due to its vast majority of political prison scholars.
Truong Buu Lam Colonialism Experienced: Vietnamese Writings on Colonialism 1900-1931. Chapter 2.
Chapter 2 of this book by Truong Buu Lam is primarily focused toward the Vietnamese perception of colonialism during the French Regime. This chapter accounts for many of the hardships that the Vietnamese peasants faced during this period and provides detailed accounts of the oppression that these people faced. This perspective is solely from the view of a Vietnamese peasant and deals with issues such as high taxes, land concession, government monopolies, and labor camps.
Truong Buu Lam Colonialism Experienced: Vietnamese Writings on Colonialism 1900-1931. Chapter 2.
Chapter 2 of this book by Truong Buu Lam is primarily focused toward the Vietnamese perception of colonialism during the French Regime. This chapter accounts for many of the hardships that the Vietnamese peasants faced during this period and provides detailed accounts of the oppression that these people faced. This perspective is solely from the view of a Vietnamese peasant and deals with issues such as high taxes, land concession, government monopolies, and labor camps.
Life in Colonial Vietnam: Text
Peter Zinoman's The Colonial Bastille: A History of Imprisonment in Vietnam, 1862-1940 recalls the period of mass imprisonment of Vietnamese citizens and political revolutionaries in French Indochina by the Colonial Regime. He uses an abundance of sources that range from inmate and French memoirs of individuals present throughout this period that were published during the 60's, 70's, and 80's as well as accounts from numerous scholars on the topic. Zinoman expresses through his research the turmoil that Vietnamese inmates faced through the Colonial period and how it united them in a common goal to oppose the French Regimes through these political factions.
A primary focus that Zinoman tries to portray throughout this text is the sense of prison life and how it effected the inmates to create a common goal of opposing the French. Prisons during this period were ill-disciplined and poorly structured. Throughout the text are examples of how prison life made inmates withstand physical hardships but also emotional strains as well. Prisoners were mentally scorned by the conditions of prison life and length of time they would have to spend away from their families, as well as those who lost their families by going away to prison due their lower class status. This left inmates with the decision to end their suffering quickly or create bonds with their new family within the prison walls.
An account from the memoir of a political inmate claimed that upon his release his comrades shared tears of anguish and embraced their brother upon his departure. It was through these impenetrable ties and a common enemy that restructured the Communist party within the Colonial prison. The Thai Nguyen Rebellion was a common acknowledgment of this idea because Phan Boi Chau's Restoration Society lead to an abundance of political prisoners within the Thai Nguyen prison. Accounts from published memoirs claimed that inmates from over 30 different provinces banded together in this valiant revolt against the French Regime.
The Colonial Bastille offers an in depth analysis of how the Colonial prisons brought forth a restructured and even stronger revolutionary revolt than ever seen before in previous years. It exclaims how prison created the perfect environment for establishing an underground faction of political independence regimes. It served as an ideal atmosphere to practice the principles of Leninism by centralizing themselves with secrecy and discipline. Prison also gave these political inmates the means of French opposed prisoners to strengthen their numbers by guiding them into the Communist light.
Peter Zinoman's The Colonial Bastille is an extremely well written and informative realization of how Communism had reawakened during the Colonial era and possibly led to Vietnamese independence from the French. The published memoir's from actual political inmates provided within this book expressed the actualization of how prisons transformed into schools for Communist and Anti-Colonial revolutionaries.
A primary focus that Zinoman tries to portray throughout this text is the sense of prison life and how it effected the inmates to create a common goal of opposing the French. Prisons during this period were ill-disciplined and poorly structured. Throughout the text are examples of how prison life made inmates withstand physical hardships but also emotional strains as well. Prisoners were mentally scorned by the conditions of prison life and length of time they would have to spend away from their families, as well as those who lost their families by going away to prison due their lower class status. This left inmates with the decision to end their suffering quickly or create bonds with their new family within the prison walls.
An account from the memoir of a political inmate claimed that upon his release his comrades shared tears of anguish and embraced their brother upon his departure. It was through these impenetrable ties and a common enemy that restructured the Communist party within the Colonial prison. The Thai Nguyen Rebellion was a common acknowledgment of this idea because Phan Boi Chau's Restoration Society lead to an abundance of political prisoners within the Thai Nguyen prison. Accounts from published memoirs claimed that inmates from over 30 different provinces banded together in this valiant revolt against the French Regime.
The Colonial Bastille offers an in depth analysis of how the Colonial prisons brought forth a restructured and even stronger revolutionary revolt than ever seen before in previous years. It exclaims how prison created the perfect environment for establishing an underground faction of political independence regimes. It served as an ideal atmosphere to practice the principles of Leninism by centralizing themselves with secrecy and discipline. Prison also gave these political inmates the means of French opposed prisoners to strengthen their numbers by guiding them into the Communist light.
Peter Zinoman's The Colonial Bastille is an extremely well written and informative realization of how Communism had reawakened during the Colonial era and possibly led to Vietnamese independence from the French. The published memoir's from actual political inmates provided within this book expressed the actualization of how prisons transformed into schools for Communist and Anti-Colonial revolutionaries.
Vietnam 1945: Text
In the text David Marr argues that 1945 is the most important year in the modern history of Vietnam. (Marr, pg. 1) It is thought throughout the history of Vietnam that the Communist party was the primary driving force for Independence. Marr attempts to dispute these hypotheses, not by devaluing the impact of the Communist in Vietnam, but by focusing on other outside contributors. Marr describes the year of 1945, and years prior as an “awaking” of the Vietnamese people. The political transformations of 1945 took place in all the provincial towns and most rural districts of Vietnam. (Marr, pg. 2)
Marr does not undermine the importance of the Communist party in Vietnam. He does stress the importance of the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) and the Viet Minh. Although these organizations were essential to the movement, Marr argues that many Vietnamese did not even understand what the Viet Minh stood for. (Marr pg. 2) He contests that the Viet Minh did rally the people of Vietnam, but that these people were not brought together under a shared belief in Communism – and for that matter no individual group was really in control. (Marr pg.6) Marr saw the situation about people of diverse backgrounds and intentions contesting for hegemony. (Marr pg.6)
Applying his knowledge of Vietnam and numerous other accounts Marr describes the year of 1945 in great detail, including the years leading up to Independence. Marr begins by laying out the ground work in earlier years in how the Vietnamese people were treated by the French Imperialist.
Marr begins the text at the point when the French are still technically in control of Vietnam, but it is evident that the Japanese are the ones who are really in control upon their arrival in 1941. (Marr pg.13) Japanese control of the region was out of necessity as a result of the American embargo set on Japan. (Marr pg. 26) Japan offered to remove its troops from southern Indochina in return for the United States rescinding the freeze on Japan, but the United States refused. (Marr pg.27) after the refusal of the freeze Japan began to exhaust Indochina of its resources creating contempt amongst its inhabitants. (Marr pg. 30)
Marr describes these actions by the Japanese and the years of abuse bestowed upon them by the French as the underlying factor for the resolve of the Vietnamese people. He argues that it was not this great Communist revolution that created Independence, but it was the people of Vietnam tired of being oppressed rising up and defeating two Imperial powers.
Marr sees the ICP and the Viet Minh as the main contributors to organizing and providing a commonality for the people of Vietnam to fight under. He argues that in 1945 with the French weak and the Japanese losing their power, the Vietnamese people saw a power vacuum and an opportunity for Independence. Marr contests that it was the Communist party jumping at the right opportunity that gained them fame, not the party that caused the fall of the French and Japanese.
After the Vietnamese gain Independence Marr still points out the various factors that still stand in the way of a completely independent Vietnam. He describes how the Viet Minh and the Communist rise to power, but that there is still this unsettled anxiety amongst the people of Vietnam. It is not until many years later that Vietnam gains true independence and is united under one party.
Vietnam 1945: context
The debate that David Marr writes about in his book 1945 is that the Communist party in Vietnam did play a major rule in gaining Independence, but they were not the underlying factor. The argument that Marr brings forth is that no one was in control. (Marr pg.6) If one were to read about Vietnam history today that majority of text would attribute Vietnamese independence to the Communist party. This is however not the case. It was the people themselves of Vietnam that rose up to defeat the Imperialist forces.
The people of Vietnam did not understand what the Viet Minh stood for, they were inundated with political slogans, flags, salutes, and even stamps to try to promote the Viet Minh. (Marr pg. 2) The people of Vietnam did not see this as an opportunity to join the Communist party; they saw it as a chance to kick some Imperialist ass.
After the Japanese seized power on March 9, 1945 the French nationals became subjected to increasing amount of physical and verbal abuse from the Vietnamese. (Marr pg. 65) The Vietnamese people at first did not know what to expect from the Japanese, perhaps as liberators or continuing the Imperialistic domination. (Marr pg. 90)
During the Japanese take-over the underground Communist Party in Hanoi was aware of the events, but did not act. (Marr pg. 152) This was the point when the Communist party started to see opportunities in some former prisoners under French rule being freed and possible recruits for their cause. The greatest event in the Viet Minh early days was the return of Ho Chi Minh. (Marr pg. 164) Ho began propaganda campaigns to recruit individuals into the party. His propaganda supports Marr’s dispute in that Ho, made sure propaganda made no mention of Socialism or the Communist Party. (Marr pg. 173.)
The argument that Marr is trying to convey is that it was not the fact that the Viet Minh and the ICP were Communist that brought them to power, it was that they were the most organized, supported and successful group at the time of revolution. Marr would dispute that if any other organization be it democratic, utilitarian, or communist the people of Vietnam would have joined it in a common resolve to end the Imperialist oppression and free their land. Marr even points out in the text how the Viet Minh themselves where not all communist. Hundreds of thousands of people in the VML (Viet Minh League), which was “more than communist,” allegedly incorporating nationalists, high mandarins, and native soldiers in the colonial army. (Marr pg. 228)
Vietnam 1945: Subtext
David G. Marr, Vietnam 1945. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995
David Marr is an expert on Vietnamese history and has written extensively on Vietnam and Asia. Marr wrote the book after his 1990 experience in Ho Chi Minh City and other various trips around Vietnam. His experience with the people of Vietnam, their history and the stories he heard during his visits inspired him to write his own history of the country. In his countless hours of research into its past Marr saw that the communist party did have a great impact on the revolution, but that they were not the underlying factor. Marr set out in this book to give more credit to the everyday Vietnamese people who overcame oppression and won independence.
In the text David Marr argues that 1945 is the most important year in the modern history of Vietnam. (Marr, pg. 1) It is thought throughout the history of Vietnam that the Communist party was the primary driving force for Independence. Marr attempts to dispute these hypotheses, not by devaluing the impact of the Communist in Vietnam, but by focusing on other outside contributors. Marr describes the year of 1945, and years prior as an “awaking” of the Vietnamese people. The political transformations of 1945 took place in all the provincial towns and most rural districts of Vietnam. (Marr, pg. 2)
Marr does not undermine the importance of the Communist party in Vietnam. He does stress the importance of the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) and the Viet Minh. Although these organizations were essential to the movement, Marr argues that many Vietnamese did not even understand what the Viet Minh stood for. (Marr pg. 2) He contests that the Viet Minh did rally the people of Vietnam, but that these people were not brought together under a shared belief in Communism – and for that matter no individual group was really in control. (Marr pg.6) Marr saw the situation about people of diverse backgrounds and intentions contesting for hegemony. (Marr pg.6)
Applying his knowledge of Vietnam and numerous other accounts Marr describes the year of 1945 in great detail, including the years leading up to Independence. Marr begins by laying out the ground work in earlier years in how the Vietnamese people were treated by the French Imperialist.
Marr begins the text at the point when the French are still technically in control of Vietnam, but it is evident that the Japanese are the ones who are really in control upon their arrival in 1941. (Marr pg.13) Japanese control of the region was out of necessity as a result of the American embargo set on Japan. (Marr pg. 26) Japan offered to remove its troops from southern Indochina in return for the United States rescinding the freeze on Japan, but the United States refused. (Marr pg.27) after the refusal of the freeze Japan began to exhaust Indochina of its resources creating contempt amongst its inhabitants. (Marr pg. 30)
Marr describes these actions by the Japanese and the years of abuse bestowed upon them by the French as the underlying factor for the resolve of the Vietnamese people. He argues that it was not this great Communist revolution that created Independence, but it was the people of Vietnam tired of being oppressed rising up and defeating two Imperial powers.
Marr sees the ICP and the Viet Minh as the main contributors to organizing and providing a commonality for the people of Vietnam to fight under. He argues that in 1945 with the French weak and the Japanese losing their power, the Vietnamese people saw a power vacuum and an opportunity for Independence. Marr contests that it was the Communist party jumping at the right opportunity that gained them fame, not the party that caused the fall of the French and Japanese.
After the Vietnamese gain Independence Marr still points out the various factors that still stand in the way of a completely independent Vietnam. He describes how the Viet Minh and the Communist rise to power, but that there is still this unsettled anxiety amongst the people of Vietnam. It is not until many years later that Vietnam gains true independence and is united under one party.
Vietnam 1945: context
The debate that David Marr writes about in his book 1945 is that the Communist party in Vietnam did play a major rule in gaining Independence, but they were not the underlying factor. The argument that Marr brings forth is that no one was in control. (Marr pg.6) If one were to read about Vietnam history today that majority of text would attribute Vietnamese independence to the Communist party. This is however not the case. It was the people themselves of Vietnam that rose up to defeat the Imperialist forces.
The people of Vietnam did not understand what the Viet Minh stood for, they were inundated with political slogans, flags, salutes, and even stamps to try to promote the Viet Minh. (Marr pg. 2) The people of Vietnam did not see this as an opportunity to join the Communist party; they saw it as a chance to kick some Imperialist ass.
After the Japanese seized power on March 9, 1945 the French nationals became subjected to increasing amount of physical and verbal abuse from the Vietnamese. (Marr pg. 65) The Vietnamese people at first did not know what to expect from the Japanese, perhaps as liberators or continuing the Imperialistic domination. (Marr pg. 90)
During the Japanese take-over the underground Communist Party in Hanoi was aware of the events, but did not act. (Marr pg. 152) This was the point when the Communist party started to see opportunities in some former prisoners under French rule being freed and possible recruits for their cause. The greatest event in the Viet Minh early days was the return of Ho Chi Minh. (Marr pg. 164) Ho began propaganda campaigns to recruit individuals into the party. His propaganda supports Marr’s dispute in that Ho, made sure propaganda made no mention of Socialism or the Communist Party. (Marr pg. 173.)
The argument that Marr is trying to convey is that it was not the fact that the Viet Minh and the ICP were Communist that brought them to power, it was that they were the most organized, supported and successful group at the time of revolution. Marr would dispute that if any other organization be it democratic, utilitarian, or communist the people of Vietnam would have joined it in a common resolve to end the Imperialist oppression and free their land. Marr even points out in the text how the Viet Minh themselves where not all communist. Hundreds of thousands of people in the VML (Viet Minh League), which was “more than communist,” allegedly incorporating nationalists, high mandarins, and native soldiers in the colonial army. (Marr pg. 228)
Vietnam 1945: Subtext
David G. Marr, Vietnam 1945. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995
David Marr is an expert on Vietnamese history and has written extensively on Vietnam and Asia. Marr wrote the book after his 1990 experience in Ho Chi Minh City and other various trips around Vietnam. His experience with the people of Vietnam, their history and the stories he heard during his visits inspired him to write his own history of the country. In his countless hours of research into its past Marr saw that the communist party did have a great impact on the revolution, but that they were not the underlying factor. Marr set out in this book to give more credit to the everyday Vietnamese people who overcame oppression and won independence.
Life in Colonial Vietnam: Context
During the period between 1862 -1940 of the Colonial Regime of France the Vietnamese were subject to a high rate of mass imprisonments and a brutal oppression of its people. These prisoners consisted mainly of common law violators, those falsely accused, and political revolutionaries that opposed the French Regime. Also, during this time period of the colonial regime many Vietnamese villagers and peasants were facing the same adversities that those prisoners and political revolutionaries had faced.
During this period of the French regime Vietnamese villagers fell victim to colonial oppression which lead to years of mistreatment and death. Probably the most typical form of oppression bestowed upon these people were that of high tax rates forced on extremely poverty stricken individuals. These taxes forced people from their property and also lead to constant hardships of trying to make enough money to support themselves.
Another oppression method of the French were their land concession in 1932 where the French controlled nearly 1/5 of the land throughout all of Vietnam. This land was confiscated from generations of villagers and if they were to resist their evictions they would be sentenced to long-term imprisonment or even occasionally death. With this land the French comprised themselves of rubber, coffee, and tea plantations that acted as profitable concentration camps for Vietnamese workers who were promised a better life. These workers were subjected to harsh working conditions, beatings, and evens killings. Those villagers that tried to flee this life a solitude were eventually found and killed, but the madness did not stop there as the French would completely burn the homes of those housing the worker.
These villagers were highly oppressed by physical abuse, but also subdued to economic monopolies and mental distress. The colonial regime had monopolies over alcohol and also the opium trade. Any personal distilling or trading of opium was considered illegal, which forced the poor peasants to pay high prices for these products. Also, the mental anguish that peasants had to deal with was the physical superiority complex that the French had over the Vietnamese. Frustrations turned into violence or death and punishment for these French individuals would most likely consist of suspended jail sentences or petty fines. During this time, it was common for French people to leisurely abuse villagers.
On the other hand along side the amount of common criminals within the French Indochinese prison system there were many political prisoners. Although political prisoners were eventually subject to special treatment while imprisoned they were capable of finding comrades of their Communist ideals within the prison walls. Prisons became revolutionary schools of the communist movements due to the number of political revolutionaries that were sentenced to prison during this period. These inmates were given the opportunities to study the Marxist-Leninist theories of Communism and create stronger and closer revolutionary factions within prison than as free men. The author of The Colonial Bastille concluded with his research that the forefront of Vietnamese Independence was created by those Communist factions that were reconstructed during the Colonial imprisonments.
After many small revolts and the Thai Nguyen Rebellion, thousands of inmate deaths, and the reconstruction of political factions the French encountered a change in government that led to the amnesty of most of the political prisoners. The majority of these political offenders were given reduced sentences and when they were released were hounded by Administrative surveillance and the shame of prison. Once freed from prison these ex-convicts scattered across Indochina spreading the word of Communism and creating factions to oppose the French Regime. The political prisoners were released in 1936 and quickly began their tasks of creating these revolutionary factions. These elements of resistance would lead to the highest number of imprisonments in the history of Vietnam between 1936 and 1939.
The lives of both prisoners and the citizens of Vietnam were turmoiled with many difficult hardships and were more or less prisoners within their own homes. These people were enslaved with high taxes and government monopolies, land reforms, labor camps, imprisonment, and physical abuse during this colonial period which meant it was going to take an incredible formation of unity to bring this oppression to a halt. The reformation of the Communist party within the Vietnamese prisons was the exact unity that the country needed to give it a sense of strength that they were capable of rising up and overcoming their adversity.
During this period of the French regime Vietnamese villagers fell victim to colonial oppression which lead to years of mistreatment and death. Probably the most typical form of oppression bestowed upon these people were that of high tax rates forced on extremely poverty stricken individuals. These taxes forced people from their property and also lead to constant hardships of trying to make enough money to support themselves.
Another oppression method of the French were their land concession in 1932 where the French controlled nearly 1/5 of the land throughout all of Vietnam. This land was confiscated from generations of villagers and if they were to resist their evictions they would be sentenced to long-term imprisonment or even occasionally death. With this land the French comprised themselves of rubber, coffee, and tea plantations that acted as profitable concentration camps for Vietnamese workers who were promised a better life. These workers were subjected to harsh working conditions, beatings, and evens killings. Those villagers that tried to flee this life a solitude were eventually found and killed, but the madness did not stop there as the French would completely burn the homes of those housing the worker.
These villagers were highly oppressed by physical abuse, but also subdued to economic monopolies and mental distress. The colonial regime had monopolies over alcohol and also the opium trade. Any personal distilling or trading of opium was considered illegal, which forced the poor peasants to pay high prices for these products. Also, the mental anguish that peasants had to deal with was the physical superiority complex that the French had over the Vietnamese. Frustrations turned into violence or death and punishment for these French individuals would most likely consist of suspended jail sentences or petty fines. During this time, it was common for French people to leisurely abuse villagers.
On the other hand along side the amount of common criminals within the French Indochinese prison system there were many political prisoners. Although political prisoners were eventually subject to special treatment while imprisoned they were capable of finding comrades of their Communist ideals within the prison walls. Prisons became revolutionary schools of the communist movements due to the number of political revolutionaries that were sentenced to prison during this period. These inmates were given the opportunities to study the Marxist-Leninist theories of Communism and create stronger and closer revolutionary factions within prison than as free men. The author of The Colonial Bastille concluded with his research that the forefront of Vietnamese Independence was created by those Communist factions that were reconstructed during the Colonial imprisonments.
After many small revolts and the Thai Nguyen Rebellion, thousands of inmate deaths, and the reconstruction of political factions the French encountered a change in government that led to the amnesty of most of the political prisoners. The majority of these political offenders were given reduced sentences and when they were released were hounded by Administrative surveillance and the shame of prison. Once freed from prison these ex-convicts scattered across Indochina spreading the word of Communism and creating factions to oppose the French Regime. The political prisoners were released in 1936 and quickly began their tasks of creating these revolutionary factions. These elements of resistance would lead to the highest number of imprisonments in the history of Vietnam between 1936 and 1939.
The lives of both prisoners and the citizens of Vietnam were turmoiled with many difficult hardships and were more or less prisoners within their own homes. These people were enslaved with high taxes and government monopolies, land reforms, labor camps, imprisonment, and physical abuse during this colonial period which meant it was going to take an incredible formation of unity to bring this oppression to a halt. The reformation of the Communist party within the Vietnamese prisons was the exact unity that the country needed to give it a sense of strength that they were capable of rising up and overcoming their adversity.
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